黃國富

Kock-Hoo Wong

自由中國、冷戰、美援、政治大學新聞系、僑生

Cold War, Department of Journalism of NCCU, Free China, overseas Chinese students, U.S. aid

1950 年代初期蔣介石因應內外的各種壓力，在亞洲地緣政治中順勢接收更多美援，在臺灣強化大學教育的建設和重構宣傳機制。此時國民黨政府在反共與「反攻復國」的口號下，透過招收大量東南亞「僑生」，取得美援的支持，再以這些資源增強對大學體制的控制力，也以此加強中華民國內外的「自由中國」正當性，在各地宣揚自由民主意識。前身為「黨校」的國立政治大學在臺復辦，與其新聞系招收近半的「僑生」，成為當時相當特殊的大學與科系。而臺灣新聞傳播研究與教育以政大新聞系所為重心的開展，除了蔣介石與國民黨政府的治理需求，當中也考量美國與亞洲非共國家的反共策略與布局，且涉及各國對在地華人的政策回應和治理。但是在「國家」內部的利益分配等因素下，連動影響領導人在各項政策上的推動，也未必能完全壓制些許異議聲音。國民黨政府重整宣傳指揮體系和取得更多美援下，在亞洲試圖建立「自由世界」之窗的形象，在相當程度上形塑冷戰初期臺灣傳播研究與教育機制的基礎。

When the Kuomintang (KMT) retreated to Taiwan from mainland China in 1949, the situation was unstable both internally and externally. However, between 1950 and 1965, apart from three existing universities undergoing renaming and restructure, the number of tertiary institutions increased rapidly as nearly 20 public and private universities and colleges were established. After such an intense wartime, what needs and conditions drove the Kuomintang to develop higher education in Taiwan, especially education and research mechanisms in journalism and communication?

Prior studies focus mainly on how media and academia were employed to serve the propaganda of “retaking the mainland” during the authoritarian rule of the Kuomintang. Others target on how the U.S. government actively mobilized such mechanisms to assert academic influence and to profess its ideologies in the context of the Cold War. These studies mainly adopt the perspectives of Taiwan’s authoritarian rule and subordination to the U.S. By surveying teaching resources, curriculum, and background of key personnel, they analyze the construction of these mechanisms and criticize its early authoritarian character.

One of the missing aspects is that these studies did not fully consider the complex and rapid changes in Taiwan and the Asian region during the early Cold War. Different interregional forces competed and collided, including potential disputes within the “state” apparatus, challenges to Chiang Kai-shek’s leadership from “third forces”, the intention of the U.S. to prevent the spread of communism in Southeast Asia, and local Chinese communities’ aspiration for university education. These factors from the U.S., Taiwan, China, and Asia (especially Chinese communities) intertwined to influence the U.S. strategy in the Asia-Pacific and Kuomintang’s policy in higher education. For example, to understand National Chengchi University (NCCU) and its recruitment of a high number of “overseas students”, it is necessary to simultaneously examine the formation and implementation of U.S. aid policies, overseas Chinese affairs’ policies, the Kuomintang’s propaganda strategies, etc. The complex context was not necessarily a result of top-down decisions, but of multifold power play and accidental factors that created a ripple effect on the establishment of journalism education and knowledge production mechanism. By surveying various archives and literature, this paper aims to examine the geopolitical linkages among Asian countries and to re-explore the intervention of the U.S., out of anti-Communist strategic needs in the early Cold War, in establishing Taiwan’s communication research mechanism, as well as its lasting influence on Taiwan and Asia.

In response to internal and external pressures, Chiang Kai-shek in the early 1950s took advantage of the geopolitical situation in Asia and received more U.S. aid to enhance university education and establish propaganda mechanisms in Taiwan. In order to strengthen its legitimacy as “Free China” and propagate the idea of liberal democracy, the Taiwan government gained control over the universities by recruiting a large number of overseas Chinese students from Southeast Asia. National Chengchi University, formerly a party school, was subsequently re-established, and nearly half of its students in the Department of Journalism were overseas Chinese, making it a unique example. The Graduate Institute and Department of Journalism of NCCU became the kernel of journalism & communication research and education in Taiwan. Apart from serving the needs of Chiang Kai-shek and the KMT government, this was also a strategic and tactical move for the U.S. and Asian countries to counter Communism, as well as a political and policy response of various countries to their Chinese population. Voices of dissent were suppressed under the impact of policies as a result of the distribution of interest within the country. With the reorganization of the propaganda system and more U.S. aid, the KMT regime tried to build its image as the window to the “Free World” in Asia and in part shaped communication research and education in Taiwan during the early Cold War.