林果顯

Guo-Sian Lin

文化冷戰、言論管制、新聞天地、跨境傳播、僑辦刊物

cultural Cold War, speech control, Newsdom, cross-area communication, overseas Chinese magazines

本文的主要目的，在於透過香港刊物《新聞天地》，探索中華民國政府來臺初期香港媒體在臺灣的特殊影響性。1949年之後，政府嚴格管控外來危險訊息流入臺灣，然而，基於培植與拉攏海外反共勢力，政府大量地進口香港出版品。為了在海外生存，這些刊物不受限於臺灣的言論尺度，使得臺灣讀者有機會看到不同的言論與表現手法。政府透過監控與篩選，使得這些刊物不致於動搖國本，同時這些挑選後的訊息還能以海外媒體的身分，呈現出當局想形塑的輿論。這種對外來資訊進口的管制與操作，兼具宣傳的消極面與積極面，本文稱之為香港媒體的對臺跨境傳播，藉此重新認識戒嚴時期的臺灣文化環境，突破言論管制或以美國為首的文化冷戰脈絡。

本文以1949年至1960年在港臺均具影響力的刊物《新聞天地》為焦點，分析該刊如何利用香港的環境與進口管道，在反共言論與商業利益間取得平衡，並讓臺灣讀者一窺略為寬廣的言論空間。1949年該刊審酌情勢將總部設於香港，在臺登記發行，以此作為《新聞天地》對臺影響的觀察起點；整個1950年代是中華民國政府來臺穩固統治，也是需要外來輿論支持的關鍵時刻，而1960年是雷震案發生之時，是檢視1950年代末期伴隨總統三連任議題以來《新聞天地》對臺灣政治的評論標準與限度。《新聞天地》將娛樂性文字和政治議題結合的特殊風格，不論是對貪污案件的情境式描寫、近乎田野筆記的影劇報導，以及對總統三連任和雷震案的噤聲，在反共的大旗下對政府批判仍有界線，但必要時還是展現了知識分子及新聞記者的底線。

This paper explores the unique influence of Hong Kong media in Taiwan during the early days of the Republic of China government’s arrival in Taiwan through the Hong Kong publication, Newsdom (SINWEN TIENTI). During the 1950s and its struggle for survival, the ROC government took drastic measures in terms of ideology and culture, striving to cultivate a space for government-friendly speech. In addition to internal crackdowns, preventing dangerous external information was also essential. At that time, foreign information was mainly in the form of publications and mainly in Chinese, English, and Japanese. Among them, Chinese publications typically emanated from Hong Kong, where various forces were mixed. Because both are Chinese and located in a place where good and bad people co-exist, Hong Kong publications became the main target of strict prevention and control of imports. On the other hand, because Taiwan’s internal printing capacity still needed improvement had to vigorously promote the Mandarin Movement, Hong Kong publications were also the source of the largest number of imported publications. This contradiction, both dangerous and in demand, was the unique feature of Hong Kong publications during Taiwan’s martial law period.

Among all foreign publications, Hong Kong’s were the only ones where party and government propaganda agencies were able to deeply intervene in, foster, and even produce overseas opinions, importing them back into Taiwan through the regulatory system so as to influence Taiwan. This does not to ignore the influence of the local Hong Kong market. Judging from their actual distribution strategies and speech guidelines, its newspapers have always targeted not only Hong Kong, but also Chinese people at home and abroad, importing them into Taiwan through the Overseas Chinese Newspaper and Periodical license. This system is a key means of survival for many newspapers, and therefore their intention to express their opinions on Taiwan is very strong. Conversely, when importing these publications, Taiwan has sought to influence public opinion, co-opting, issuing warnings, suspending distribution, or banning imports. Considered within the context of the Republic of China’s history of regulating and importing foreign publications in the 1950s or within the context of government propaganda, the cross-area communication of Hong Kong publications offers a uniquely significant significance that has previously been largely unexamined.

Based on this understanding, the basic questions of this article are as follows. Starting with the overseas Chinese publication Newsdom, what political perspectives did these Hong Kong publications, which were allowed to be imported into Taiwan, possess that surpassed those of the average Taiwanese media, offering Taiwanese a glimpse into a limited outside world? What literary strategies differentiated them from Taiwanese media and made them particularly appealing to the public? Are there any issues that automatically silences these Hong Kong media outlets, which were allowed to be imported into Taiwan, and thus limited their expression?

This paper uses government archives, memoirs of relevant people, and a large amount of content from Newsdom to analyze that outlets characteristics and presents the following three findings. First, Newsdom employed voyeuristic and close-up profiling to expose corruption cases, bridging the gap between entertaining writing and politics and justice. Using a commercially viable writing strategy of contextualization, Newsdom vividly depicted the carefree lifestyle of high-ranking officials during the chaotic early 1950s. This contextualization approach gave Taiwanese readers a unique perspective, offering a glimpse into the inside story of various political issues and enhancing the readability of overseas media. The ROC government did not welcome so-called inside magazines that dug up dirt on government officials. The fact that Newsdom was able to be imported continuously due to its careful control of its text and scale was not only a deliberate tolerance by the authorities as mentioned above, but also demonstrated adherence to the anti-communist stance.

Second, the publication capitalized on Hong Kong’s cultural advantages, via its far superior filmmaking environment compared to Taiwan, by focusing on the development of Hong Kong films and Taiwan’s film policies. Newsdom advocated that Hong Kong films should take an anti-communist approach, and that Taiwan should support this with its policies.
Third, Newsdom’s handling of the president’s third term and the Lei Zhen case revealed limitations of the overseas media. Accustomed to speculating on various cabinet appointments and even the vice-presidential nominee, Newsdom remained silent when faced with the issue of the president’s third term in 1960. Regarding the crucial political case of Lei Zhen, despite its initial silence, the publication later went on to explain its commitment to defending freedom of the press and speech. Therefore, the reading experience that Newsdom brought to Taiwan was not only the situational writing style of a tabloid, but also a hint of the persistence of intellectuals or journalists. This persistence may have exceeded the expectations of the government of the Republic of China when it imported the journal.

Finally, perhaps we should consider what constitutes Hong Kong media. Hong Kong-based and in Hong Kong have different meanings. Whether it is Newsdom itself or the ROC government’s import policy, neither emphasizes Hong Kong-based content. Both sides exploited the unique significance of in Hong Kong to diversify Taiwan’s discourse. I believe that utilizing, fostering, and even producing cultural products in Hong Kong was a key cultural strategy of the Republic of China government in the 1950s, alongside its efforts to ban books and to craft official discourse domestically. This viewpoint overturns the previous understanding that martial law was simply about suppressing speech or unilaterally producing official propaganda. Instead, it was the ROC government’s strategic use and import of foreign information. On the other hand, Hong Kong was not just a U.S. cultural Cold War stronghold in Asia; the ROC government actually exercised considerable control over the processing of Hong Kong publications in Taiwan. Hong Kong’s various influences on postwar Taiwan remain unexplored. For an industry that is primarily entertainment, a political solution was proposed. Newsdom’s integration of national policy into film and television dramas is a clear example of the publication’s ability to navigate the boundaries between entertainment and serious issues as well as a crucial factor in its recognition by the authorities and its continued success in Taiwan.