ISSN 1016-1007 GPN2005600032
前期出版
前期出版
權力非對稱分配下的路徑依賴:伊朗三部《新聞法》的淵源、形塑與歷史流變(1979-2019) Path Dependence in the Asymmetrical Distribution of Power: The Origins, Modulation, and Historical Evolution of Three Press Laws in Iran
研究論文
作者(中)
任孟山、李呈野
作者(英)
Mengshan Ren, Chengye Li
關鍵詞(中)
伊朗伊斯蘭共和國、霍梅尼主義、新聞法
關鍵詞(英)
Islamic Republic of Iran, Khomeinism, Press Law
中文摘要
從1979年霍梅尼建政到如今,伊朗《新聞法》與伊斯蘭共和國的政治氣候亦步亦趨,呈現出明顯的「路徑依賴」特徵。伊朗新聞規制制度流變的邏輯起點可追溯到近代報刊作為舶來品傳入伊朗之際。相比於清真寺,大眾傳媒不能見容於傳統社會與宗教人士。到1979年伊斯蘭革命的「制度斷裂點」之時,這種歷史糾葛演變為伊朗新聞規制制度初始設定中的權力非對稱分配。通過1979年版《新聞法》與《憲法》,新聞界被置於宗教保守人士的「監護」之下。從1979年到1989年,這套新聞規制制度不斷獲得正回饋,以1986年版《新聞法》出臺為標誌,宗教保守派對於新聞界的規制力量大大增強,這種非對稱性進一步得到鞏固。霍梅尼死後,拉夫桑賈尼和哈泰咪兩任總統希望以改革為新聞業鬆綁,終引發保守派反彈,陷於「進一步退兩步」的尷尬境地。2005年之後,儘管新的傳媒技術一度使強硬派政府疲於應對,仍不敵「新霍梅尼主義者」內賈德規制新聞界的強硬舉措。2013年,新總統魯哈尼試圖以溫和主義路線糾偏前任的過激政策,卻不得不在改革派的期望與保守派的敲打之間做艱難的平衡,伊朗新聞規制的基本框架穩如泰山。
英文摘要
From the establishment of Khomeini’s regime in 1979 to the present, Iran’s Press Law has followed the political climate in the Islamic Republic, featuring a clear “path dependence”. The logical beginning of the changing regulatory regime of the Iranian press can be traced back to the importation of modern newspapers and magazines into Iran in recent times. In contrast to the mosque, mass media are not as accessible to traditional society and religious figures. Through the “institutional breaking point” of the Islamic Revolution in 1979, this historical entanglement evolved into an asymmetrical distribution of power in the initial set-up of Iran’s press regulatory system. Through the 1979 version of the Press Law and the Constitution, the press was placed under the “tutelage” of religious conservatives. This asymmetry was further reinforced by subsequent versions of the Press Law from 1979 to 1989, highlighted by the 1986 version of the Press Law that significantly increased the power of religious conservatives to regulate the press. After the death of Ruhollah Khomeini, the two Presidents Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani and Mohammed Khatami wanted to unbundle the press with reforms, which led to a conservative backlash and an awkward situation of “one step forward, two steps back further”. After 2005, although new media technologies overwhelmed the hard-line government, they were no match for the “neo-Khomeinist” Nejad’s strong measures to regulate the press. In 2003, the new President Hassan Rouhani’s course deviated from the radical policies of his predecessors, as he looked to strike a balance between the expectations of the reformists and the hammering of conservatives. In the end, the basic framework of Iran’s press regulation continues to be as solid as a rock.
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